Middle Eastern countries have witnessed an exceptional rise in new waves of displaced refugees coming from areas of violence and instability. This includes refugees from Middle Eastern and African countries, such as Iraq, Syria, Yemen, and Somalia. Traditional norms for providing culturally appropriate care for refugees are frequently difficult to follow [1, 2]. As in all cultures, newborn care is surrounded by varying practices [3]. It is critical for Western healthcare providers to understand these practises in order to facilitate their recognition among immigrants and refugees [1]. This would enable the adaptation of immigrants to Western healthcare systems [4]. Culture and religion are both important aspects of care for all clients using health services [5]. Health services accommodating cultural and religious needs and responding to the health beliefs, practices, and linguistic needs of multiethnic clients can help produce positive client–provider interactions. Health consumers look for care plans tailored to meet their cultural expectations [5]

The Arab league consists of 22 countries with a massive socioeconomic range, yet linguistic, cultural, religious, and demographic cohesion exists. The majority of the Arab population consists of youth and children [6, 7]. Beliefs and practices of Arabs are highly inspired by the principles of Islam [8]. This is reflected in the daily lives of families in Arab countries such as Jordan. In Jordan, the social structure for the majority of Jordanian families is significantly influenced by Islamic culture. This influence includes daily activities, behaviours, and interactions [9]. Jordanian culture is a sub of Arabic culture, and Arabic culture is rooted in the Islamic religion. Thus, the findings of this study on the beliefs and practices of childbirth in Jordan are applicable to other populations of Arabic and Muslim women.

Islamic traditions guarantee a comprehensive guide to provide protection and safety for both born and unborn babies. These rights are consistent with Sharī’a under the umbrella of the instructions of Allah, ‘God’ [10]. Children’s rights in Islam are detailed by Islamic rules and directions in both the Qur’an and the Sunnah. Laws and examples provided by the Qur’an and the Sunnah establish the normative-ethical foundations obligatory for the community. The Qur'an declares specific rights for children to have a respectful and nurturing life [11, 12]; more specifically, Islam views children as ‘vulnerable’, and many instructions about foetal and infantile rights are given. This has resulted in the Muslim community being benevolent towards all children throughout their life span (foetuses, infants, and children growing up) [10]. These rights include statements to follow with respect to abortion, adoption, breastfeeding, and orphan care [12].

Healthcare providers are often the first practitioners to have contact with women after a pregnancy is confirmed. This is usually accompanied by special concerns regarding the well-being of the unborn child [2]. Addressing the unique religious and cultural beliefs and norms of refugee parents during childbirth will alleviate their anxiety and feelings of alienation with respect to healthcare systems. This will positively impact the mother and father during the pregnancy, birth, and the postpartum period [8]. Small (2014), in a systematic review of studies from five developed, Western nations, reported that migrant women were dissatisfied with maternity services because of the lack of culturally sensitive care from the maternity staff [13]. This argument is supported by Shafiel et al. (2012), who stressed that culture underlies clients’ attitudes and options of treatment [14]; however, these authors acknowledged that many healthcare providers have a limited idea of the influence of religion and culture on health. The beliefs and practices of Jordanian women may therefore be important to consider, especially because such beliefs and practices may be held by other Muslim women.

To offer culturally competent care, healthcare providers must understand the culture and religion of the groups they are handling. Delivering culturally competent care is almost certainly not an easy task, but is still a very worthwhile one for both healthcare providers and women [6]. Unborn and newborn rights are defined in numerous ways, including through a wide spectrum of civil, cultural, economic, social, and political rights [15, 16]. In order to provide the highest quality of care, maternity service providers should take mothers’ cultural and religious beliefs and practices into consideration [17].

In a multicultural environment, it is imperative to underline beliefs regarding foetal and infant rights in Arab and Islamic cultures to provide health and social care. Researchers need to thoroughly investigate the unique culture and attributes of immigrants. This can help uncover their health-related attitudes, which impact the quality of healthcare provided to them.

This study aimed to understand the meaning of Jordanian women’s beliefs and practices related to their foetuses and newborns, as well as identify broad themes that could govern Muslim women's childbearing care. To gain an understanding of the human beliefs and attitudes, dense, descriptive data concerning their experiences were generated, and contact with people in their normal world was used in a phenomenological approach [18]. Phenomenological technique helps us understand how our world functions and how things come about by being focused in the social aspects of our lives [19]. It allows evaluate these experiences from the perspective of the women and aids the researcher in thoroughly examining and interpreting their significance. Moreover, a phenomenological methodology assists mothers in revealing their healthcare needs; these revelations enhance the quality of maternity care given to these women.

The results of this study will be presented according to the following themes, based on phenomenology, which offers maternity staff new standpoints to enhance suitable care. During interviews, the women narrated in a profound way their childbirth practices and beliefs regarding their unborn and newborn babies. The focal theme that emerged from this study’s analysis was dealing with God’s gift in a respectful and grateful way. This theme explains the ideals and customs related to the baby, which Jordanian women perform before and after childbirth; this will be discussed in the following sections.

The health and well-being of immigrant Arabic women is a concern for policymakers, researchers, and healthcare providers in many Western countries. There is now great attention being given to exploring the experiences of these women in accessing health services [25]. Immigrant women face additional risks to their health due to the concerns linked with accessing the healthcare system. These challenges often include cross-cultural communication barriers [26], differing perceptions of diagnoses, and recommendations between immigrant women and healthcare providers, a need for more time to be spent with healthcare professionals and a general demand for more cultural sensitivity on the part of healthcare providers in highlighting the women’s health concerns [25]. This is particularly dangerous because the sexual and reproductive healthcare needs of Arab Muslim women are not fully comprehended in the Western healthcare system [9].

One core theme expressed in the narratives of the Jordanian women in this study was related to sexual burdens in their culture. Children’s safety, of which Islam has a unique perception, is essential in Islam in that it begins even before conception [11]. It is highly advocated for Muslim men and women to make a careful and mindful decision regarding their future partners. According to Islamic law, having children must be the result of marriage rather than a relationship out of wedlock [26]. This ensures that the children are able to trace their lineage [16]. All women in this study expressed the extreme significance of this matter in relation to children’s rights. This issue was perceived as a legal and cultural guarantee to rights for unborn and born children. Therefore, it is unacceptable in Muslim communities to refer to parents as partners instead of husband and wife. Healthcare providers should be aware of this issue.

The Qur’an clearly indicates that all lives are sacred. Termination of pregnancy is prohibited in Islam. However, Islamic law leaves room for debate on whether abortion is permitted or not. According to the law of two large Islamic countries (Afghanistan and Iran), abortion is only allowed to save a mother’s life. Iranian law makes an exception in that abortion is allowed in the case of severe foetal anomalies before 120 days of gestation [27]. In Jordan, under Public Health Law No. 47 of 2008, abortion is allowed only if the pregnancy threatens the mother’s mental or physical health [28]. Besides legal barriers to legitimising induced abortion in Islam, abortion is regarded as sinful and is highly stigmatised [27]. Therefore, it is consequently unsuitable to suggest an induced abortion to any Muslim woman, even if she is pregnant with a baby with an abnormality unless the mother’s health is in danger.

Muslims believe that their life was written on a tablet preserved by Allah while still in the mother’s womb. Nothing happens except by His will [1, 16, 26]. Therefore, Muslims must accept Allah’s decree and thank Him for what befalls them. They need to accept everything and be patient [8]. Due to this view, healthcare providers should understand Muslim women’s hesitation to undergo amniocentesis. Some Muslim women might refuse to do amniocentesis, as they deeply believe that they should accept anything that comes from God. All women in this study reported the same attitudes towards abortion, namely a refusal of abortion despite abnormalities [25]. This illuminates the great power of the religious code of ethics over Arab Muslim women.

Data generated from the analysis showed that childbirth should be celebrated and that all rituals should be performed regardless of the gender of the child. This is consistent with authentic Islamic traditions, which include a number of rituals in welcoming the child [11, 29]. Parents of a newborn are advised to perform the tahneek. This practice is a form of prelacteal feeding given to the newborn using a date. A soft date is rubbed against the newborn’s upper palate. This takes place right after birth and before breastfeeding [30]. Exclusive breastfeeding is advocated in Islamic law and is viewed as a basic right of the newborn [16]. Evidence shows that neonates develop a risk of hypoglycaemia soon after standard care [31]. Therefore, it is believed that the simple sugar in the date provides the newborn with a source of simple carbohydrates that protects the newborn from this risk [30]. This is a key practice among neonates of diabetic mothers or mothers who have challenges establishing early breastfeeding initiation [30].

Islamic recommendations regarding the reception of the newborn include a prayer whispered into the ear. This ensures that the newborn’s first heard words are the submission to one God [4]. It is preferred that the healthcare providers give the parents some time after birth to perform this ritual if the health of the mother and child are stable. Another recommendation concerns names: the preferred names among Muslims are names related to individuals who worship God or are thankful to God. Names in Islam are highly valuable and are meant to convey positive meanings to others [11, 15]. Additional rituals are associated with the newborn’s care. These are practised in an infant’s life. These include the aqeeqah and circumcision [10]. Parents are advised to invite relatives, neighbours, and friends for a meal that includes slaughtered sheep. This is symbolic of the joy experienced in welcoming the newborn and sharing one’s happiness with others. Parents are not obliged to perform this ritual; however, they are highly encouraged to do so [32]. One further ritual is shaving the newborn’s hair and weighing it. An equivalent weight of silver or gold is paid to a charity as a celebration and a show of gratitude to Allah [15]. This kind of charity brings members of the community together by helping those in need.

Male circumcision is accepted by all Islamic scholars (Sunna and Shia'a). The timing of circumcision is not specifically determined, but it is performed before the age of puberty. Nowadays, most Muslim parents prefer to perform it when the baby is a few days old in order to decrease the perception of pain [33]. It is advisable that all circumcision procedures be performed at the hospital before the mother is discharged. Another issue raised from the women’s narratives was gender inequity. While the participants admitted there did no discrimination between male and female babies, we found that women unconsciously preferred baby boys because they have a deep-seated cultural preference for sons over daughters. In Arabic culture, a woman is not considered a mother until she has a baby boy. The cultural belief that only males can bear their father's name, maintain continuity, and preserve the paternal and family lineages and inheritance is the source of this discrimination. It also stems from the cultural belief that having a male child increases a family's power, influence, and prestige. Healthcare providers should be aware of the importance of observing the childbirth customs of Muslim women. They should seek to establish a trusting relationship with the mother, which takes into consideration their social, cultural and spiritual needs. New studies have asserted the importance of providing culturally competent care for patients in multicultural societies [1]. Nurses working with Muslim women should take these findings into account when trying to make arrangements that suit the women’s needs. The women should discuss their preferences regarding the type of care to be provided for them and their newborns both at the hospital and in the community. Doing this would help alleviate women’s anxiety and apprehension and would be highly valuable during their journey in two difficult experiences, the first of which is becoming a mother and the second of which is being an immigrant away from their familiar native environment and support. Nurses should value that immigrants are attached to their cultural and religious beliefs in their attempt to establish their identity [17].

Phinney et al. (2001) have argued that the best approach to ensure the psychological well-being of immigrants is by understanding and maintaining specific national and cultural attitudes of immigrants. These attempts would help immigrants transition smoothly into a new society and culture [34]. Providing culturally competent care requires respecting the women’s needs in a holistic approach.

This study has successfully answered the research question, and it acknowledged that it has some limitations. One of the limitations was associated with the use of the phenomenological approach. The aim of the study was to understand the meaning of Jordanian women’s beliefs and practices related to their fetuses and newborns. It did not intend to provide casual explanations, generalize the findings, or generate theory; consequently, the approach used was appropriate to the study’s aim. One further limitation is the small sample size, which may consequently not be representative of Jordanian women. However, the argument that this small number of participants might limit the generalisability of the results is invalid because the study’s goal was to understand the cultural and religious needs of Arab Muslim women in general and Jordanian women in particular to provide culturally sensitive maternity care, and we did not seek to generalize the results. It does, however, re-emphasise the need for healthcare providers to approach women as individuals within a cultural context and ascertain individual interpretations of cultural norms and values.

This study has focused on Jordanian women and has attempted to illuminate their attitudes towards newborns’ rights and care. Their cultural and religious backgrounds greatly influenced their attitudes. It is hoped that healthcare professionals and health policy makers will benefit from the findings of this study to enhance Arab Muslim women’s engagement in maternal newborn health services. Capturing the attitudes and needs of Muslim families during the journey of birth and postpartum can inform the development of health education strategies and information resources. Understanding the attitudes of the Jordanian context is important because it has implications for the country itself and indeed sheds light on how this issue may be perceived more widely in the Muslim families living in Western countries. Reiterate the importance of healthcare providers approaching women as individuals within a cultural context and determining individual interpretations of cultural norms and values.